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(Scusate se il testo non č in italiano, ma la lettera l'ho trovata soltanto in inglese, e la traduzione di Google Traduttore faceva davvero troppo schifo per poterla pubblicare in italiano)
To the leader of the peoples,
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR,
Generalissimo of the Red Army
Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin.
Every worker, every collective farmer can write a letter to the Vohzd of the Russian people, the Leader of the peoples of the Soviet Union - Comrade J.V. Stalin. Maybe this will also be allowed for me, a Russian emigrant, who wasted 20 years of his life in a struggle that seemed to me and to those who followed me, a struggle for the liberation and revival of our Motherland - Russia. I wish to explain the motives for the existence and activities of the so-called Russian Fascist Union and reach an understanding for the painful drama surrounding Russian emigration. Therefore, this letter is not so much of personal significance as it tries to outline a way out of the dead end for the many and many Russian people striving to bring all feasible benefits to the Motherland.
20 years ago, after graduating from the 2nd grade school in the Soviet Union, I left the Soviet Union to continue my education, which I was denied at home. Among the students of the Harbin Faculty of Law, which I entered in 1925, I found a group of activists of the Russian fascist organization and without hesitation, having broken with my family that remained on the Soviet coast, I joined the ranks of this organization in order to fight communism, as it seemed to me, for the future greatness and glory of Russia! At the time, the inherent internationalism in Communism was unacceptable for us, this being understood as contempt for Russia and the Russians. The denial of the Russian people, scientific and historical materialism, which declared religion to be the opium of the masses. We chose the words "God, Nation, Labor" as our slogan, thus defining our ideology as a combination of religion with nationalism and the recognition of the primacy of labor, both intellectual and manual. We created an image of a future new Russia in which there wouldn't be exploitation of man by man or by the state: neither by capitalists nor by communists. "Not back to capitalism, but forward to fascism," we shouted, attaching unto the word "fascism" a completely arbitrary interpretation that has nothing to do with either Italian fascism or German National Socialism. At the heart of our program we placed the ideal of freely chosen councils based on the unification of the entire population into professional and industrial national unions. In my book "The State of the Russian Nation", in 1941, I tried to outline a concrete plan for this utopian New Russia, as we imagined it: National Councils and the leading National Party. We did not notice back then that the functions of the national party are currently being carried out by the CPSU(b) in Russia, which has become the USSR and that the Soviets are becoming more and more national as the new, young Russian intelligentsia grows. And so the mythical "State of the Russian Nation" is in essence the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Deprived of the right information and being misinformed from all sides, we did not notice that from the USSR there was neither an evolution, nor a shift, but a deeper and more vital process - the process of deepening the revolution, which included all the best aspirations of human nature. We did not notice that this organic and spontaneous process is closely connected with the guiding genius of J.V. Stalin, with the organized role of the Stalinist party, with the growing importance of the Russian Red Army.
Religion, once used by the ruling classes, acquired its primary Christian meaning after the destruction of these classes. It became the religion of the working people. The Orthodox Church inevitably had to reconcile with the Soviet state, which had become the bulwark of the organized life of the working and faithful Russian people and conclude a strong union between church and state. And we precisely did not fight for the Catholic subordination of the State to the Church, but for such a free union and for the leadership of our Church by a conciliary elected Patriarch, which was realized under Stalin, in 1945. Stalinism, by reconciling Communism with religion, reconciled Communism with the nation. It became clear that patriotism and nationalism, which had been the tools of the former ruling classes, had become a powerful force in the victorious proletariat.
But for a long time we were confused by the Jewish question. In Harbin, Jewish capitalists set records for the profiteering and exploitative attitudes towards the working people. Jews of all nationalities, both the USSR and the bourgeois countries, constituted one Jewish community, working in the interests of their class and their nation: international and internal in relation to all other peoples of the Jewish nation. We did not have a racial attitude towards Jews, but after studying the history of Jewry, we came to the conclusion that the Jewish religion instills in every Jew the idea of divine chosenness, that only Jews are people, and all the rest are just "humanoid creatures". This bestial Talmudism turns every Jew into the antisocial enemy of every distinctive nation. Communism in the form of Marxism seemed to us one of the tools of the world Jewish capital to seize power over the world and, biased, we looked for Jewish names in the ruling bodies of the USSR, proving that our country was, as it were, occupied by world Jewry. Only recently have we come to the conclusion that it is the world social revolution, depriving the Jewish capitalists, along with all other means and instruments of production, of finance capital. That alone can radically and in the common interests, solve the Jewish question, like many other unbearable contradictions of the old world. At the same time, we found that Jewish influence in the USSR had long since declined. It wasn't immediately that we came to the conclusions set out here, for there were many doubts, deceptions, temptations and hesitations along the way.
Having mistakenly called our national labor movement "fascist", we were forced to associate many Russian concepts with the concepts of fascist movements of foreign states. Living abroad and contacting foreign forces, we became prisoners and slaves of Russia's foreign enemies. Being nationalists who fervently loved their people and our native country, year after year we turned into actual internationalists-landsknechts of the very capital that we despised. Meanwhile, internationalists turned into nationalists, developing international Marxism into Russian Leninism and universal Stalinism, which forever reconciled nationalism with communism. We had to speak and act not at all the way we had desired. We had to praise the Germans and the Japanese. But, speaking out against Communism and the CPSU (b), we tried not to speak out against the Soviet state, although we convinced ourselves that the USSR was not Russia, but "the prison of Russia", we always, everywhere and despite all the prohibitions, spoke with love about the Motherland, about Russia, about the great Russian people. In our anti-communist work, we proceeded from the false principle that "any means are good for the liberation of Russia," that it is necessary to "liberate the Homeland from the Jews through the overthrow of Soviet power at any cost," and this terrible immoral tactical principle predetermined all the mistakes and crimes of the practical activities of the Russian Fascist Union. Grim delusion! To act against the Motherland out of love for the Motherland! The false principle of "liberating the Motherland from Jewish Communism at any cost" predetermined my fatal mistake - the wrong basis of the Russian fascist union during the German-Soviet war. We welcomed the German-Soviet pact, believing that the mutual influence of Germany and the USSR will lead to a weakening of Jewish influence in Russia and in the world, and to a weakening of England, the historical enemy of our country. However, we also welcomed Germany's campaign against the USSR, believing that the liberation of the Motherland at any cost was better than the prolongation of its "captivity", as I thought, "under the yoke of the Jews." Despite the resistance of the Supreme Council of the Party and the overwhelming majority of Russian fascists, I imposed this basis on the Russian fascist union and stubbornly insisted on it to the end. Therefore, I ask all members of the organization, built on dictatorial principles, not to be blamed for the Germanophilic policy, because I alone, personally and alone, should be responsible for it. Not for self-justification, but for explanation, I consider it necessary to state that my pro-German propaganda was based on absolute disinformation.
All our sources of information, including the Japanese and refugees from the USSR, assured us that "the Russian people are just waiting for an external impetus and that the situation under the yoke of the Jews is unbearable." At the same time, German representatives argued that Hitler had no plans of conquest of Russia, that the war would soon end with the establishment of the Russian national government and the conclusion of an honorable peace with Germany. I made an "Appeal to an Unknown Leader" in which I called on strong elements within the USSR to save the state and save millions of Russian lives condemned to death in the war, to nominate some X Commander, an "Unknown Leader" capable of overthrowing the "Jewish government" and creating a New Russia. I failed to see then, by the will of fate, his genius and millions of working masses, that the leader of the peoples, Comrade J.V. Stalin was that unknown leader. Having once made this terrible mistake in the war between Germany and the USSR, we could not repeat it in the war between the USSR and Japan, which the USSR had clearly begun for Russian national interests. It wasn't immediately, but gradually that we came to these conclusions outlined here. But they finally came and decided: Stalinism is exactly what we mistakenly called Russian fascism: this is our "Russian fascism", cleansed of extremes, illusions and delusions. And my present letter is not only a political confession, but also a statement of firm determination to go from now on, along the real Russian path, along the Soviet path, along the path that Stalin, the Soviet government, and the Stalinist Party are leading the peoples, wherever this path would lead me: to death, to a concentration camp, or to the possibility of a new job. As prodigal children who, on the eve of death, found the lost Motherland-Mother, we sincerely and honestly, openly and frankly, want to make peace with the Motherland, we want our relatives, our Russian people and their leaders to understand that it was not selfish personal or class motives that moved us, but an ardent love, love for the Motherland and for the people. A national feeling and the national consciousness lost in the contradictions of the environment doomed us to hard work, to heavy sacrifices, to hopeless torment and a cruel dead end. We ask Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin and the Soviet representatives to show us a way out of this dead end. As for myself personally, I do not ask for anything, offering to decide my fate from the point of view of expediency.
Without giving up my ideas, especially since these ideas in some part coincided with the leading ideas of the Soviet state, and resolutely rejecting the past 20 years of my anti-Soviet life, I entrust myself, my loved ones, my comrades-in-arms, my organization into the hands of those who Our people entrusted their historical destinies in these decisive years of fire. A death without a homeland, life without a homeland or work against the homeland is hell. We want to either die by order of the Motherland or do any work for the Motherland at any place. We want to give all our strength to our people and to the holy cause of peace, of the whole world through the victory of Stalin's bright ideas. In conclusion, let me quote the words of our émigré poet, addressed to the Motherland: "We carried your Name on our banners. We grew up without You. We grew up being Yours." And to supplement them with the slogan that can be heard today from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, giving birth to hope and joy in the hearts of workers all over the world: Long live Stalin, the Leader of the peoples! Long live the invincible Russian Red Army, the liberator of peoples! Long live the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - the stronghold of the peoples! Long live the Soviet nation - the Russian nation! Glory to the great Russian people! Glory to Russia!
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